INAUGURAL
ADDRESS BY HON.JEYARAJ FERNANDOPULLE, MINISTER OF
TRADE, COMMERCE & CONSUMER AFFAIRS
WTO
DOHA ROUND & SOUTH ASIA SYMPOSIUM
9TH
MARCH 2005 AT HOTEL O GALADARI.
Distinguished
Delegates,
Ladies
& Gentlemen,
It
is indeed a great pleasure for me to inaugurate this
Sympoisium on WTO Doha Round & South Asia this
morning, organised jointly by the Institute of Policy
Studies, Sri Lanka with Consumer Unity & Trust
Society (CUTS) of India and South Asia Watch on Trade,
Environment & Economics (SAWTEE) in Nepal. I
understand that this Symposium will launch the project
involving the linking of Civil Society with Trade
Negotiations and that in the run up to completing
the Doha Development Agenda, there will be a series
of useful outcomes towards empowering South Asia in
meeting the challenges of future negotiations as well
as increasing the involvement of civil society in
the process of international trade negotiations.
While
the WTO provides us with a set of multilateral trade
rules engendering a sense of predictbility, certainty,
transparency and progressive liberalization , such
a rule based systems like so many others is certainly
not a foolproof system. Indeed, developing countries
have to face many challenges in achieving global integration
as the relative absence of a level playing field in
negotiations, lack of proper implementation of important
provisions of special & differential treatment
for developing countries, relative lack of reciprocity
for significant concessions made to major developed
countries, and systemic issues process of negotiations,
need for capacity building etc. Besides, While the
earlier rules of the GATT had their impact principally
on the imports/exports trade on a country, the WTO
agreements as you are aware have a much wider compass
covering a wide range of subjects and thererfore will
necessarily have a much wider implications for a country’s
economy.
The
dialogue between State, Civil Society, Business and
other Stakeholders in the development of the decision
making machinery and institutions is therefore essential
for the stand of a country to be decided upon after
much deliberation in the multilateral for a. The broad-based
and in-depth analytical examination of the issues
and implications involved in the complex process of
decision making on multilateral trade issues necessarily
involve the State in a catalytic role of interactive
partnership with non-State entities. Such a relationship
results in an educative, persuasive, informative arrangement
as much as affording transparency and gaining the
expertise of those engaged in the consultative process.
The participation of Civil Society in trade negotiations
does in fact create policy space for governments as
the consultative process is bound to overcome domestic
barriers to further liberalisation.
Even
the WTO has been quick to recognize the important
role that Civil Society could play in international
trade negotiations. In fact the Marrakesh Agreement
was made against the backdrop of the early 1990.s
which saw the prominent emergence and participation
of Civil Society Organisations in international for
a Article V.2 of the Marrakesh Agreement authorizes
the General Council to “to make appropriate
arrangements for consultation and co-operation with
non-governmental organisations concerned with matters
related to those of the WTO” Other moves in
this direction were the guidelines adopted by the
WTO General Council in 1996 to improve transparency
and develop communications with non-governmental organizations.
Since 2002, the General Council of the WTO has worked
towards de-restricting information flows and providing
easily accessiible documentation. At the last WTO
ministerial meeting in Cancun, there were at least
1578 representing 795 NGOs compared to 235 participants
from 108 NGOs who attended the Singapore Ministerial
in 19996.
However,
we must also keep in mind the practical reality that
in the WTO, it is the governments that negotiates
and holds the responsibility for contractual detail.
Further since trade negotiations deal with commercial
interests, Governments must indeed retain a level
of confidentiality in the ensitive dynamics of trade
negotiations and work towards lthe commercial and
socio economic interests of their national constituencies.
Civil Society does not always reflect the broad spectrum
of national interests of a sovereign nation and excessive
transparency has its pitfalls and concerns like creating
burdensome negotiations on parallel tracks etc. This
is because most issues taken up at the WTO would involve
differing interets and possible clash of interests
among various industry groups and economic operators.
Mloreover, the involvement of Civil Society in trade
negotiations should not become a north/south divide
or in effect give rise to polarization of interest
groups in South Asia, since the complexities in WTO
Agreements are such that one can no loonger simplistically
assume harmonization of country positions on these
lines. This is because in most instances the different
elements of the WTO Agreements as Agriculture and
Non-Agriculture Market Access provide us with differentiated
positions.
So
the State or Government which is accountable therefore
has a very important role to play in multilateral
trade negotiations in interacting constructively with
all the different stakeholders including Civil Society.
Business, consensus building and helping to harmonize
and balance the country position that is conducive
to the national interest.
In
this instance, I would like to mention that under
the Ministry of Trade, Commerce & Consumer Affairs,
we have over the years and as of now worked within
a very useful consultative mechanism involving the
joint participation of senior representatives/experts
from Government, Business, Industry, and Civil Society
in forming national positions for international trade
negotaitions. These inter ministerial committees
span the various WTO Agreements and are part of the
networking that we have established in creating awareness
through WTO seminars/workshops over the period of
time. Our interaction with the public, is also through
the WTO Reference Centgre which has offered training
and access to participants from non-state sector as
well as the government officials. My Ministry has
also got the assistance of the European Commission
and the WTO in increasing the technical capacity of
those who are involved in WTO in increasing the technical
capacity of those who are involved in WTO negotiations
as well as empowering interest groups ;with technical
specific information on WTO issues.
As
we move towards the Hong Kong Ministerial in December
this year after the failure at Cancun, it is heartening
to see the comparatively modest progress achieved
by the July package which sets out the guidelines
for negotiations in the areas of Agriculture, Non-Agricultural
Market Access (NAMA) Services, Trade Facilitation
and Development Issues. In spite of the considerable
challenges ahead of us, there is little doubt that
our future course must lie in securing a well balanced
outcome to the Doha Development Agenda. The way forward
is for us to work together for a successful conclusion
of the Doha Agenda and not seek permanent recourse
in bilat3ral and regional arrangements that may lead
to trade diversion and trade deflection.
In
keeping with the important Government and non-state
interactive mechanism that I mentioned earlier, the
Ministry of Trade has succeeded in bringing to the
notice of the WTO the areas of particular importance
to us in netgotiations. One of the most important
developments last year in the multilatral trading
system from the perspective of Sri Lanka was the expiration
of the Agreement on Texdtiles and Clothing. Acting
upon the imperatives of the indusstry, Sri Lanka alaongwith
other devedloping countries underlined the need for
the WTO to addressthe possible adverswe implications
of the quota elimination on some developing countries
and the need for a WTO work programme to discuss possible
solutions.
During
the past WTO negotiations, a number of developing
countries including Sri Lanka called for the exception
from the duty reduction for Special Products and for
a very strong Special Safeguard Mechanism under Agreement
on Agriculture. We are pleased that under the July
framework establishing modalities for agriculture
negotiations in Market Access, for lthe first time
the WTO has recognized the need for developing country
members to have “flexibility to designate an
appropriate number of products as special products
based on criteria of good security, livelihood security
and rural development needs. These products will
be eligible for flexible treatment. Furthermore the
decision also provides for developing country members
to have access to a special safeguard Mechanism.
In the area of Non-Agricultural Market Access it is
especially noteworthy that the collective negotiations
of some developing country inter4estshave been given
due consideration particularly in respect of flexibility
given to countries as Sri Lanka not to undertake tariff
reductions through the formula but instead bind their
tariffs at the overall level of average of b ound
tariff for all developing countries while special
consideration is taken in respect of the LDC.
You
will agree that while some salutary features as these
are noted in the July Framework text, there is considerable
work to be done in future negotaitions. Developing
countries in particular sometimes have the additional
draw back of capacity limitations in undertaking detailed
analytical examination of the various issues involved
and identification of common interests. In building
up and strengthening their capacity, it is indeed
extremely valuable to have as many initiatives as
possible working alongside and in a manner that is
complementary to the government. I am therefore happy
that the Organizations of the Consumer Utility Trust
Society (CUTS) in India, the South Asia Watch on Trade,
Environment and Economics (SAWTEE) in Nepa,l and the
Institute of Policy Studies have combined together
in this useful project.
I
wish the Symposium a very fruitful outcome.
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